1. मुख्यपान
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विठ्ठल रामजी शिंदे यांची पुस्तके

  • धर्म, जीवन व तत्त्वज्ञान
  • माझ्या आठवणी व अनुभव भाग १, २ व ३
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  • माझ्या आठवणी व अनुभव ( पूर्वार्ध)
  • महर्षी विठ्ठल रामजी शिंदे यांचो रोजनिशी
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  • लेख, व्याख्याने आणि उपदेश
  • THE THEISTIC DIRECTORY..

गो.मा.पवार यांची पुस्तके

  • महर्षी विठ्ठल रामजी शिंदे जीवन व कार्य
  • महर्षी विठ्ठल रामजी शिंदे समग्र वाङमय

श्री भास्करराव जाधव

(3) B. V. Jadhav, Esq.
(Written Statement)

Necessity of giving communal Representations to the Marathas, to all the other backward communities and to the depressed Classes.

7661. ...(1) In Northern India the Brahmin holds only the religious supremacy and the other communities there are not backward educationally and politically. In the South the Brahmins have come to usurp supremacy in secular matters also and in Government and other services and in the legal, medical, engineering and teaching professions they enjoy preponderating influence. Overtly and covertly attempts are made to throw obstacles in the advancement of the other communities and the lamentably slow progress in literacy among the masses is mostly due to this adverse influence. The interests of the Brahmins are thus in conflict with those of the non-Brahmin communities. The Brahmins are not on this account fit to represent the interests of others. The experience of elections to the Municipalities, Local Boards, and to the Legislative Councils, has shown that in spite of the preponderating numerical strength of the non-Brahmins they have no fair chance of success of being elected if the present day arrangements are allowed to continue. When the Councils get direct control over the transferred departments and exercise a more powerful voice in the administration in general the non-Brahmins are threatened with the rule of a Brahmin Oligarchy which is likely to hamper their progress. Special representation is therefore necessary to safeguard their interests.

7662. ...(2) Nomination by Government will not meet the contingency as that will not afford political education to these communities.

7663. ...(3) The Mahomedans and the Sikhs are given special electorates and on the same principle the non-Brahmin Communities and the depressed classes should be similarly treated.

7664. ...(4) The points in support of the claims of the Maharattas in the Bombay Presidency are :—

(i) Like the Sikh they are a fighting race and have been serving in the British Armies for more than a hundred years. In the recent War they have fought with distinction in the three Continents.

(ii) Although numbering nearly five millions in the Bombay Presidency, they are very backward and require special help.

(iii) They form the largest number of cultivating and land-owning classes.

(iv) They include a very large number of persons having vested interest in the village administration, such as Inamdars, Patils, Deshmukhs, Khots, Sanadis, etc. The Marathas therefore deserve the same treatment as is given to the Mahomedans and the Sikhs.

(v) The case of other non-Brahman communities and religious minorities stands on the same footing and deserves special con­sideration.

(vi) The condition of the depressed classes is so very deplorable that any member of that community, however gifted, has no chance of being elected in the general elections, however low the franchise may be fixed. These communities also should be favourably treated.

(vii) I claim therefore special electorates for -

    (a) The Marathas.
    (b) The religious minorities, such as the Jains and the Lingayats.
    (c) Other non-Brahmin communities.
    (d) The depressed classes.

(viii) It might be urged that it is very difficult to form electorates for all these and to organise and hold elections separately. I cannot deny the difficulty but I submit it is not an insuperable one. I may, however, make another suggestion which is that the four classes given in paragraph (vii) above should have a fixed number of seats reserved for them. If the general elections do not return the specified number for each class, candidates from the favoured classes sufficient to make up the number of reserved seats should be declared to be duly elected even if they secure fewer votes than their competitors of the advanced communities. The suggestion was adopted by the All India Moderate’s Conference recently held in Bombay and will meet the situation to a great extent.
Mr. B. V. Jadhav, called and examined.

7665. ...(Sir Frank Sly) His statement represented his individual views only. He was a British subject in the service of Kolhapur State.

There were nearly 37 lakhs of Marathi-speaking people in the Bombay Presidency but very few witnesses had been invited from his community. He wished to say that Mr. Koregawkar, the President of the Maratha Aikyecchu Sabha, could not represent the Maratha community as his Association did not restrict membership to Marathas.

7666. ...The “Maratha” were simply referred to as a community in the census, but many Marathas returned themselves as Kunbis and were grouped separately. Even the Bombay Government admitted that they intermarried. His definition of Marathas would include everybody already classified as such in the census and, in addition, the Kunbis of the Bombay Deccan.

7667. ...There should be a separate communal electorate for Marathas; he would not be satisfied with the reservation of seats in plural constituencies because in that case only pro-Brahman Maratha would be returned.

7668. ...Jains and Lingayats should get similar separate representation. “Other non-Brahmins” in his written statement meant those who were neither Brahmins nor Marathas, so that what he proposed was separate communal representation for Marathas, for Jains, for Lingayats for all non-Brahman castes joined together, and for the depressed classes. Where the Marathas were in a minority in a district they should be classed with the non-Brahmans, but where they were in a majority, they should have a separate communal electorate.

7669. ...(Mr. Banerjea) As instances of the adverse influence exercised over their community by Brahmans referred to in his paragraph one, he might mention that free studentships were generally withheld from non-Brahman students by the head masters and other teachers, who were mostly Brahmans, and able non-Brahman students were expelled on the slightest pretext from Government and other high schools, which were almost entirely staffed by Brahmans. Only recently also the claims of non-Brahman schoolmasters were overlooked and many were superseded. He could not at the moment substantiate these statements by concrete cases. There were however a number of institutions managed by Brahmans which had for their object the elevation of the depressed classes. But the depressed classes were different from the non-Brahmans, and the Brahmans were friendly towards them to keep up appearances. The movement was started by a Maratha, Mr. Shinde, and the Brahmans had begun to associate themselves with him though they did not give substantial help.

7670. ...The Marathas could perform religious ceremonies without the aid of the Brahman priests. Five or six cases had gone to the civil courts regarding the right of non-Brahmans to perform religious ceremonies. There were appeals on the subject to European judges from decisions of civil courts presided over by Brahman judges and they upset the decisions. In one case there was an appeal to a Parsi district judge and he decided the case against the Brahmans. In the Bombay Deccan, liberty of conscience was not allowed to the Marathas. There were many ways of coercing the villages. The secret of the influence of the
Brahmans was the ignorance and the religious fears of the lower classes.

7671. ...He would not accept reserved seats for the Marathas as they would be no good : even with special electorates, it would be impossible completely to eliminate outside influence.

7672. ...The recruiting officers of Government knew who the Marathas were, because they would not allow a non-Maratha in a Maratha regiment. It would be no more difficult to define a Maratha than to define a Brahman.

7673. ...(Mr. Sastri) He was a revenue officer of the Kolhapur State and a Maratha by caste. He represented the views of the Maratha Political Conference which was held at Nasik in December last and at which he had presided. The views he propounded were accepted at that conference.

7674. ...The Marathas generally voted not only under the influence of priests but also under the influence of pleaders and Government servants and almost the whole of the Brahman community. Such influence was pernicious. The only influence that should be exercised on the voter should be that of the candidates belonging to the community to which the voter belonged. Of course a Voter would read newspapers and attend political meetings, but such influences could not be avoided.

7675. ...In Poona, where there was a sharp conflict between the Brahmans and non-Brahmans, not a single non-Brahman candidate had been returned to the municipal council, because the Brahmans had various ways of influencing the non-Brahmans. Their methods were open.

7676. ...(Mr. Hailey) Nearly 80 percent of Government servants and of the legal, medical and other professions were under the influence of the Brahmans. This figure had not been checked.

7677. ...(Mr. Crump) In the Deccan, he would not include a Kunbi among the Marathas. They were a lower class of people.

7678. ...He considered that there should have been a greater number of Maratha witnesses called to give evidence before the Committee. He did not know that besides himself, Messrs Kadam, Koregawkar and Shinde had been called to give evidence.

7679. ...If the Government were not prepared to give special electorates for Marathas, he would like to see a separate electorate for all the non-Brahman classes.

7680. ...The Brahmans took up the posts of school-master to maintain their position, although they were miserably paid.

7681. ...He knew that both the Servants of India Society and the Deccan Education Society consisted mostly of Brahmans who devoted themselves to the public service. He had come into contact with several of their members and they had no ulterior motives: but they were an exception. The Depressed Classes Mission was initiated by Mr. Shinde, who described himself as a Brahmo missionary. He was aware that the Prarthana Samaj, almost from the inception of the Mission, took very keen interest in its activities and the President of the Samaj was Sir N. G. Chandavarkar. They had also men like Sir Ramkrishna Bhandarkar on the Samaj. They were Brahmans, and when he said that the Brahmans took up this movement for fear of public opinion, he was not referring to men of that class.

7682. ...(Lord Southborough) If he had to choose between two candidates, one a Maratha and the other a Brahman, he would look to the worth of the candidate and to his usefulness to the whole community. Other Marathas might do the same if they were as independent as himself or in his circumstances. But a man who lived in a village could not go against the wishes of the village accountant and he generally was a Brahman.

7683. ...(Mr. Banerjea) The village accountant was subordinate to the patel and the patel was generally a non-Brahman.

7684. ...(Lord Southborough) When he mentioned the cases in which the decisions of the Brahman judges had been upset by the higher courts, he did not mean to make any imputation against them. They might have given their judgements according to their lights.

श्री गणेश आकाजी गवई

Ganesh Akaji Gavai Esq., representing the Depressed India Association.
Written Statement)

2639. ...I beg to submit, on behalf of the Depressed India Association the following memorandum in connection with the Indian Constitutional Reforms for favourable consideration by the Franchise Committee.

2640. ...The distinguished authors of the Report do not seem to have taken sufficient heed of the social cleavages in Hindu Society while dealing with the problem of Communal representation. It has been laid down as an unimpeachable truth that the Communal System stereotypes existing relations between different classes. It is difficult to see how this holds true at least in the case of depressed classes. Bringing together all communities at one polling booth does not mean smoothing, but on the contrary embittering their relations towards each other by enabling the strong to beat the rest, which is sure to produce ill-feeling in the minds of both, especially the vanquished. The only way to avoid this is to make special separate provision for the representation of the untouchable classes instead of forcing them to participate in an unequal and unfair competition which is sure to drive them to the wall.

2641. ...The contention that the system of responsible Government has developed only in those countries where “the territorial principle had vanquished the tribal principle" is beside the point. This may be urged against the grant of responsible Government to India where tribal feeling is notoriously rampant but not against the recognition of the existing feeling by the concession of separate electorates. The right remedy to lessen and eventually to remove it is to improve the status of the lower communities and thus enable them to merge successfully in the higher castes. The necessary stimulus will be forthcoming only under a system which ensures genuine and adequate representation of all classes and creeds. The argument in the Report would apply only if the severa communities in India occupied approximately the same level educationally and socially. As it is, the wide gulf that separates the depressed from the rest of the population renders extremely undesirable any such arbitrary and compulsory placing of all in one and the same category.

2643. ...It cannot be said that the depressed classes do not stand in need of communal representation in as much as their interest will be adequately cared for by the enlightened members of the advance classes. For though we very much appreciate the value of the advice tendered by the authors of the scheme, in paragraph 151 that, if caste exclusiveness takes even harsher shape towards the outcastes it is the business of the enlightened leaders of the community to explain to them that they are only retarding a cause that ought to be dearer to them than their own sectional interest. But the opposition made by the non­official members of the Imperial Legislative Council to the resolution which was brought by Mr. Dadabhoy for the amelioration of the depressed classes, their support to the Kulkarni Vatan System in the Deccan in their political meetings and in the Legislative Council notwithstanding that the masses were in great disfavour of the Kulkarni Vatan, the resolution brought in the Central Provinces Legislative Council against the Vatan of Mahars in Berars, and the movement of the Izardars against the anti-lzara tenants for the ejectment of the latter by the former, all these and such other precedents cannot allow the depressed classes to rest satisfied with such an advice which has hitherto produced very little response. It would be more prudent to secure to these unfortunate people a position in the Councils from where they can successfully urge their own claims and also induce in their high-born fellow country-men a state of mind better calculated to receive the above advice.

2644. ...The suggestion involved in the sentence “Communal representation has been actually proposed for the benefit of a majority community in Madras” seems to have arisen from a misunderstanding of the real state of things. The fact is that, so far as the several castes of Hindu Society are concerned minorities are generally far better off than the majorities. For example, the Brahmins though forming less than four or five per cent of the total Hindu population are a hundred times better off than the Marathas who form the bulk of Hindu Society in the Marathi speaking provinces and infinitely better placed than the untouchables who comprise about one-fourth of the total Hindu population! When voters’ lists come to be prepared it will be found that the untouchables’ votes did not form even an infinitestimal fraction of the total number. I am therefore unable to understand how, in the absence of separate electorates for the depressed classes, the authors of the Report propose “to make the best arrangements that we can for their representation.” (paragraph 155)

2645. ...Perhaps it is intended to secure representation of these classes by means of Government nomination. I beg to suggest that this mode of representation is very unsatisfactory, to be resorted to only under exceptional circumstances. I believe that a suitable electoral machinery could be devised for the representation of the depressed classes. In spite of their general Ignorance and helplessness it should not be difficult to find a sufficiently large number of persons among them fit to exercise the franchise.

2646. ...Reserving of seats in “plural constituencies but with a general electoral roll", has been suggested in the concluding portion of paragraph 232; but I solemnly object to it as the so called representatives thus returned will be pure nominees of those classes who have a majority of voters in the constituencies. Nor can I comprehend the wisdom of the curious proposal of the Depressed classes Mission, that representatives of the untouchables should be “returned to the several councils by co­option by the elected members of the councils concerned, and not by nomination nor by election by any communal separate electorates”. The proposal is absurd in view of the fact that there will in all probability be a serious conflict of interest between the caste Hindus and the outcastes in several important matters. To say that the depressed classes can be best represented by men nominated by the representatives of the touchable classes is to abjure the very fundamental principle of representative government.

2647. ...The classes of people whom this association claims to represent feel very strongly on the question of separate electorates. I therefore earnestly pray for due recognition by the committee of this widespread desire of separate electorates on the part of the depressed classes.
* Mr. G. A. Gavai, called and examined.

2648. ...(Sir Frank Sly) : He was a Mahar by caste and a resident of Amraoti. He had read upto but had not passed the matriculation examination. He was the Secretary of the Depressed India Association which had been started to safeguard the interest of the depressed classes with headquarters at Amraoti. It contained 500 members from Berar, the Central Provinces and the Bombay Presidency. There was a member’s subscription of 8 as a year and there were branches in Bombay and Poona. By "depressed classes” was meant classes who were not touched by the Hindu Community.

2649. ...If a scheme of Franchise was introduced they wanted separate representation for the depressed classes whose interests otherwise would not be safeguarded. Their interests differed from those of the higher castes particularly because of social difficulties. For instance they were refused admission to public schools; even in some Government and municipal schools they were refused admission.

2650. ...(Mr. Dube) In the Bombay Presidency they were not admitted to Government Service and in Berar they were not allowed to use public wells. If they had a representative of their own they could urge their claims in the Council.

2651. ...The qualifications of the depressed classes electorate must be lower than in other cases. He would prefer election to nomination. Many Mahars were sufficiently educated and a few would stand for election. In the Bombay Presidency there was one graduate. In the Central Provinces and Berar there were 4 matriculates. They asked for three members because the Muhammadans were to get three seats and their community was six times as large as the Muhammadan Community. They numbered more than 30 lakhs in the Central Provinces. They had assisted the British Government in the time of the Peshwas and in the present war had supplied as many as 2000 recruits.

2652. ...(Mr. Hailey) His Association represented all depressed classes except Gonds and Bhils, i.e., about 1/6th of the population of the province.

2653. ...By lowering the qualification so as to include sub-tenants, more than a thousand voters would be obtained in Berar on a Rs. 50 rent standard.

2654. ...(Mr. Sastri) They were refused admission to schools by the head masters.

2655. ...If the depressed classes were given an electorate of their own they would elect members of their own class and not missionaries or persons of higher classes who had taken interest in them.

2656. ...(Mr. Banerjea) There might not at present be members of the depressed classes fully qualified to stand for the Council but their view was that they might elect somebody in the hope that he would become qualified by experience. In Nagpur there was not a single clerk in Government service who belonged to the depressed classes. The Brahmin head clerks had all the power and applications for appointment from candidates of the depressed classes were refused because the Wicants had not passed the matriculation examination, although Brahmins who had not passed the examination were accepted.

2657. ...(Mr. Hogg) He thought that a representative in the Council would bring their grievances to notice with more effect than the Publication of articles in newspapers or the passing of resolutions.

2658. ...(Mr. Wills) Some of the depressed classes were higher and sorne lower, but their interests were the same and the three representatives should represent them jointly.

The following persons were called and examined at Bombay between 24 January 1919 and 31 January 1919.

(1) L.C. Crump, Esq, I.C.S. representing the Govt. of Bombay (24 Jan. 1919).
(2) The Hon’ble Major C. Fernandez, M. D. I. M. S. (Temporary) (24 Jan. 1919).
(3) The Rev. Cannon D. L. Joshi, representing the Bombay Indian Christian (Protestant) Association (24 Jan, 1919).
(4) Lieut. Colonel H.A.J. Gidney, I.M.S. (Retired), representing the Anglo-Indian Empire League (Bombay Branch) (25 Jan. 1919),
(5) Sir Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy, BART (25 Jan. 1919).
(6) W. A. Haig Brown, Esq., representing the Bombay Br. of the European Association (25 Jan. 1919).
(7) Mr. D. D. Sathaye, representing the B’bay National Union (25 Jan. 1919).
(8) The Hon’ble Mr. M. A. Jinnah (25 Jan. 1919).
(9) Mr. C. N. Wadia, representing the Bombay Millowners’ Association (27 Jan. 1919).
(10) Mr. V. R. Shinde (27 Jan. 1919).
(11) M. K. R. Koregawkar, representing the Maratha Aikyecchu Sabha (27 Jan. 1919).
(12) The Hon’ble Mr. M. A. Jinnah (27 Jan. 1919).
(13) Mirza AN Muhamad Khan (27 Jan. 1919).
(14) Bhimrao R. Ambedkar Esq. (27 Jan. 1919).
(15) The Hon’ble Mr. V. J. Patel (28 Jan. 1919).
(16) The Hon’ble Sahib Hiralal Desaibhai Desai (28 Jan. 1919).
(17) The Hon’ble Mr. Chunilal V. Mehta (28 Jan. 1919).
(18) A. B. Latthe, Esq. (28 Jan. 1919),
(19) The Hon’ble Mr. R. P. Paranjpye (28 Jan. 1919).
(20) Mr. V. R. Kothari, representing the Deccan Ryots’ Association
(28 Jan. 1919).

(21) Messrs Umar Sobhani and S. G. Banker, representing the Bombay Home Rule League (29 Jan. 1919).
(22) H. N. Apte Esq. representing the Deccan Sabha, Poona (23 Jan- 1919).
(23) N. C. Kelkar Esq. (29 Jan. 1919).
(24) The Hon’ble Mr. D. V. Belvi (29 Jan. 1919).
(25) Rao Bahadur Thakorram Kapilram (29 Jan. 1919).
(26) N.M. Joshi Esq., Member of the Servants of India
Society (30 
Jan. 1919).
(27) The Hon’ble Rao Bahadur Venkatesh Srinivas Naik (30 Jan. 1919).
(28) Pandit R. Chikodi (30 Jan. 1919).
(29) The Hon’ble Mr. S. J. Gillum and Sir. Thomas Birkett, Kt., representing the Bombay Chamber of Commerce (30 Jan. 1919).
(30) Mr. Ambalal Sarabhai with Mr. Kasturbhai Lalbhai Dalpatbhai representing the Ahmedabad Millowners’ Association (30 Jan. 1919).
(31) Devidas Madhavji Thakersey, Esq., representing the Bombay Native Piece-goods Merchants, Association (30 Jan. 1919).
(32) The Hon'ble Mr. Ghulam Hussain Hidayatulla (31 Jan. 1919).
(33) Mr. B. V. Jadhav (31 Jan. 1919).
(34) The Hon'ble Sir Pazulbhoy Currimbhoy, Kt., C.I.E. (31 Jan. 1919).
(35) H. P. Mody Esq. (31 Jan. 1919).
(36) Sardar V. N. Mutalik representing the Inamdars’ Central Association, Satara (31 Jan. 1919).

राजकारण

प्रकरण अकरावे

ह्या पुस्तकाची मागील १० प्रकरणे १९३२ सालच्या ऑगस्ट महिन्यातच तयार करून छापखान्याकडे पाठविण्यात आली होती.  अलीकडे दोन चार वर्षांत अस्पृश्यांच्या राजकारणाला अगदी चुरशीचे स्वरूप आल्यामुळे, विशेषतः महात्मा गांधींच्या १९३२ सालच्या सप्टेंबर महिन्यातील उपोषणामुळे, हे प्रकरण लिहिण्याचे लांबणीवर टाकून काही काळ वाट पहावी लागली.  पुढे पुण्याचा करार झाला.  चालू (१९३३) सालच्या मे महिन्यात महात्माजींनी पुनः २१ दिवस उपोषण केले.  आता ह्यापुढे हे पुस्तक ताबडतोब प्रसिध्द झाले पाहिजे; म्हणून हे प्रकरण लिहून संपविले आहे.

अस्पृश्यांचे राजकारण किंवा त्याच्यासंबंधी स्पृश्यांचे राजकारण म्हणजे काही नुसती आजकालची धामधूम आहे अशातला मुळीच अर्थ नव्हे.  हे राजकारण अस्पृश्यतेइतकेच पुरातन आहे, असे म्हणण्यात मुळीच अतिशयोक्ती होणार नाही.  माझी तर स्वतःची अशी खात्री होऊन चुकली आहे की, हिंदूंतील अस्पृश्यता म्हणजे त्यांच्या दूषित राजकारणाचा एक मासला होय.  पहिल्या प्रकरणात केलेल्या व्याख्येप्रमाणे अस्पृश्यतेचे संघटित स्वरूप म्हणजे प्राचीन वर्णाभिमानी हिंदूंच्या दूषित राजकारणाचा यशस्वी विकासच होय.  ह्या विकासाची पोलादी चौकट मागे केव्हा एकदा जी घडविली गेली, ती आजवर जशीच्या तशीच जवळ जवळ शाबूत आहे.  म्हणून घडविणारांच्या दृष्टीने हिला यशस्वी म्हटले आहे.  कालांतराने मूळ चार वर्णांच्या पुढे हजारो जाती-पोटजाती झाल्या, कालमहात्म्याने त्यांचे आपासांत स्थलांतर व रूपांतरही झाले.  पण ह्या चौकटीबाहेरील अस्पृश्यांवर प्रत्यक्ष काळाच्या हातूनही काही अनुकूल परिणाम घडविता आले नाहीत.  उलट, वहिवाटीच्या दाबाखाली जणू काय ते कायमचेच दडपले गेले आहेत असे दिसते.  'सवय म्हणजे प्रतिसृष्टीच' ही म्हण सार्थ झाली आहे.

ह्या प्राचीन राजकारणाचा खडान्खडा इतिहास उपलब्ध नाही, हे खरे आहे.  त्या काळचा प्रत्यक्ष जेत्यांचाच इतिहास उपलब्ध नाही, तेथे जितांचा कोठून असेल ?  ज्यांचे सर्वस्व गेले, त्या जितांचा इतिहास तरी कसा उरणार ?  असा कोण जेता आहे की, जो आपल्या कृतकर्माची कथा जशीच्या तशीच लिहून ठेवील ?  आणि स्वतःचा इतिहास लिहिण्याची अक्कल आणि करामत असती तर हे बिचारे आजचे अस्पृश्य; जित तरी का झाले असते ?  ह्या प्रकरणी इतिहास मागणे म्हणजे 'बाप दाखीव नाही तर श्राध्द कर' म्हणण्याप्रमाणेच आहे.  बिचारे बाप कोठून दाखवतील ?  मुकाटयाने श्राध्द करीत आहेत, झाले !  तथापि अगदी तपशीलवार इतिहास नाही, तरी त्याचे दिग्दर्शन काही अंशी मागील प्रकरणांतून आलेलेच आहे.  त्यावरूनही ज्यांना अंदाज करण्याची इच्छा होत नाही, त्यांच्यापुढे समग्र इतिहास आणून ठेविला, म्हणून तरी काय लाभणार आहे ?  

ह्या इतिहासाची पुनरावृत्ती जगात वेळोवेळी पुष्कळदा झाली आहे.  गेल्या पाच शतकांत अमेरिका खंडात ती झाली आहे व हल्ली आफ्रिकेत, ऑस्ट्रेलियात वगैरे चालली आहे.  युरोपातून सुधारलेली म्हणविणारी अनेक राष्ट्रे उत्तर व दक्षिण अमेरिकेत जाऊन तेथील मूळ रहिवाश्यांचा हळूहळू नाश करून किंवा त्यांना दूर घालवून देऊन त्यांच्या जमिनीवर आता आपले ठाण मांडून बसली आहेत.  प्राचीन भारतवर्षात बाहेरून अशीच अनेक राष्ट्रे वेळोवेळी आली.  त्यांनी एतद्देशीयांचा नाश केला, त्यांच्यापैकी कित्येकांना घालवून दिले व कित्येकांना आपल्या दास्यात ठेविले.  अमेरिकेतील अत्याचारांचा इतिहास उपलब्ध आहे व तो प्रसिध्दही होत आहे.  येथला होण्याची आशा नाही.  हाच काय तो फरक.  अमेरिका हे नावही जेत्यांनी आपले दिले तसेच भारत हे नावही जेत्यांचेच आहे.  अमेरिकेतील मूळ एतद्देशीयांचा नायनाट झाला आणि जे अगदी थोडे उरले ते उपऱ्या जेत्यांच्या खिदमतीला खुशी अगर लायक नव्हते, म्हणून नवीन वसाहत करणाऱ्यांना आपल्या काबाडकष्टासाठी इतर खंडांतून जबरीने दासांना धरून आणावे लागले.  हिंदुस्थानात वसाहत करणारांची गरज येथल्या येथेच भागली.  पण जोरजबरीचा मामला दोहोकडे सारखाच आहे.  अमेरिकेतील प्रकार निष्ठुर होता आणि येथला फार कनवाळूपणाचा होता असे भासविण्याचा प्रयत्न वेळोवेळी आमच्यातले काही इतिहासकार करतात, तो एक नुसता कोडगेपणाचा मामला आहे.  ह्यापेक्षा अधिक काही म्हणवत नाही.  गेल्या दहा प्रकरणांत, मलबारात नंबुद्री आणि नायर जातींच्या जमीनदारांनी आज हजारो वर्षे तेथील चेरुमा, पुलया वगैरे अस्पृश्य जातींना किती घोर अवस्थेत आपल्या मालकीच्या अगर खंडाच्या शेतांवर गुरांप्रमाणे राबविले आहे, ह्याचा उल्लेख आलाच आहे.  त्यावरून, ज्या ज्या काळी अशा क्रांत्या घडून आल्या, त्या त्या काळच्या राजकारणाचे उग्र स्वरूप दिसून येणार आहे.

जगातील राजकारणाचे मुख्य लक्षण म्हणजे बलिष्ठाने दुबळयावर सत्ता चालविणे; हे आजकालच्या सुधारलेल्या काळातही खरेच आहे.  ही सत्ता एकदा आपल्या हाती आल्यावर नामोहरम झालेल्या जातींनी अथवा राष्ट्रांनी पुनः आपले डोके वर काढू नये म्हणून त्यांचा राजकीयच नव्हे; तर सामाजिक दर्जाही खाली दडपून बेपत्ता करण्यासाठी, सामुदायिक अस्पृश्यता हे प्राचीन राजकारणातील एक थोर साधन आहे व हे साधन हिंदुस्थान व सरहद्दीवरील देशांत मध्ययुगातही उपयोगात आणले गेले.  ह्याचा पुरावा ब्रह्मदेशाचा जो मिळतो, त्याचे वर्णन सहाव्या प्रकरणात केलेच आहे.  इतकेच नव्हे, तर बौध्द धर्मातून हिंदू धर्मात, बंगाल व मद्रासकडे परत क्रांती झाली तेव्हा, ज्या पाखंडी समजलेल्या जमाती हिंदू शासनाखाली सहजासहजी आल्या नाहीत, त्यांना हिंदू धर्माधिकाऱ्यांच्या कारवाईला बळी पडावे लागले.  तत्कालीन हिंदू राजांनी अशा स्पृश्य जमातींना एकजात अस्पृश्य आणि बहिष्कृत कसे ठरविले, ते पाचव्या प्रकरणात सांगण्यात आले आहे.  ह्यावरून प्राचीन राजकारणाचा हा तोडगा, ह्या देशात अगदी मध्ययुगाच्या अंतापर्यंत बिनदिक्कत चालविण्यात आला आहे हे दिसून येत आहे.  आता आपण ह्या वर्णद्वेषाच्या पायावर उभारलेल्या राजकारणाच्या टप्प्याचे कालानुक्रमे पुरावे म्हणून वाङमयातून काही उतारे मिळाल्यास पाहू.


वैदिक काळातील कटकट

ॠग्वेदकालीन आर्यांची शासनपध्दती कशी होती ह्यासंबंधी कलकत्ता विद्यापीठातील एक अध्यापक प्रफुल्लचंद्र बसू यांनी  Indo Aryan Polity ह्या नावाचा इ.स. १९१९ साली इंग्रजीत एक प्रबंध प्रसिध्द केला आहे.  त्यातील सहावे प्रकरण,  Polity (राजव्यवस्था), मननीय आहे.  अर्थात ही आर्यांच्या किंवा आर्य म्हणविणाऱ्या जमातींशी मिळते घेऊन राहणाऱ्या आर्येतर जमातींपुरतीच होती, हे सांगावयास नको.  ह्या काळी आर्यांची समजली जाणारी व्यवस्था तीन वर्णांची, किंबहुना चार वर्णांची बनत चालली होती.  पण ह्या चातुरर््वण्याबाहेर ज्या आर्येतर जमाती हिंदुस्थानात पूर्वीच ठाण मांडून राहिलेल्या होत्या, ज्यांच्याशी आर्यांच्या लढाया होत, त्या जमाती सर्व आर्यांहून कमी संस्कृतीच्या होत्या असे मुळीच नव्हे.  उलट काही जमाती तर सर्व आर्यांहून पुष्कळ सुसंपन्न व सुसंघटित स्थितीत होत्या.  काही असो; ह्या दोन्ही दर्जांचे आर्येतर अस्पृश्य किंवा बहिष्कृत स्थितीत मुळीच नव्हते.  ते येथील मूळचे रहिवासी किंवा आर्यांच्या पूर्वी बाहेरून आलेले व येथे कायम वसाहत करून राहिलेले, पण भिन्न संस्कृतीचे होते.  मात्र त्यांच्याशी आर्यांचे संधिविग्रह होऊन (१) जे आर्यांशी समानबल किंवा अधिक सुसंपन्न होते ते आर्यांच्या तिन्ही वरिष्ठ वर्णांत गुणकर्मशः समाविष्ट झाले;  (२) जे किंचित कमी संस्कृतीचे होते ते आर्यांतील चवथा शूद्रवर्ण म्हणून त्यांच्यात मिसळले; ह्याशिवाय जो मोठा कमी अधिक संस्कृत वर्ग होता त्याचा आर्यांनी अगदी पाडाव केला  (३) तोच कालवशाने पुढे अस्पृश्यत्वाप्रत पोचला; आणि (४) जो कधी विशेष संस्कृत नव्हता, आणि ज्यांचा आर्यांशी संबंधच आला नाही, किंवा जे आर्यांच्या कटकटीला कंटाळून डोंगर, झाली, किनारा, बेटे वगैरेंचा आश्रय करून दूर राहिले, ते अद्यापि त्याच स्थितीत आहेत.  पण ह्या चारी प्रकारच्या आर्येतरांना वेदमंत्रांतून दस्यु अथवा दास, हे एकच सामुदायिक नाव आहे.  ह्याशिवाय कित्येक विशेषणवाचक नावे ॠग्वेदातून आढळतात, त्यांच्याशी आर्यांचा किती द्वेष होता व त्यांच्या एकमेकांशी कशा लढाया होत हे वर पहिल्या खंडातील दुसऱ्या प्रकरणाचे शेवटी ज्या ॠचा अवतीर्ण केल्या आहेत त्यावरून कळण्यासारखे आहे.

ह्या परजातीच्या द्वेषाचे एक मुख्य कारण, त्यांच्या धार्मिक भावना, उपासना व आचार भिन्न असत हे होय.  ह्यामुळे परकीयांना अब्रह्मा, अयज्यु, अश्रध्द, अक्रतु, अकर्म, अमानुष, अदेव्य, अशा अनेक शिव्या दिलेल्या वेदमंत्रांतून आढळतात.  ह्याच शिव्यांचा व द्वेषभावनांचा विकास पुढे ज्या काळी ह्या परकीयांचा पूर्ण पाडाव होऊन ते आर्यांच्या राजकीय व आर्थिक गुलामगिरीतून दडपून गेले, त्या काळी आताच्या अस्पृश्यतेत व बहिष्कारात झाला हे उघड आहे.

अच्छा कविं नृमणोगा अभिष्टौ स्वर्षाता मघवन् नाधमानम् ।
ऊतिभिस्तमिषणो दयुम्नहूतौ नि मायावानअब्रह्मा दस्युरर्त ॥

ॠग्वेदसंहिता, मं. ४ सू. १६ ॠ.९.

ह्यात मायावान् व अब्रह्मा म्हणजे 'जादूगार' व 'ब्रह्म म्हणजे स्तुती किंवा प्रार्थना न करणारा' अशी निंदा आहे.

न्यक्रतून् ग्रथिनो मूध्रवाचः पणीरँश्रध्दाँ अवृधाँ अयज्ञान् ।
प्र प्र तान् दस्यूँरग्निर्विवाय पूर्वश्चकारापराँ अयज्यून् ॥

ॠग्वेदसंहिता, ७.६.३.


ह्यात पणी नावाचे दस्यूंचे एक निराळेच राष्ट्र निर्दिष्ट झाले आहे.  मद्रासेकडील हल्लीचे पळळ नावाचे अस्पृश्य किंवा प्राचीन फिनिशयन यांच्याशी ह्यांचा संबंध येतो की काय, हा संशोधनीय विषय आहे.  अग्नीने त्यांचा अत्यंत नाश केला असा ह्या श्लोकाचा अर्थ आहे.

प्रान्यच्चक्रमवृहः सूर्यस्य कुत्सायान्यद्वरिवो यातवेऽकः
अनासो दस्यूँरमृणो वधेन नि दुर्योण अवृणङ् मृध्रवाचः ॥

ॠग्वेदसंहिता, ५.२९.१०.


ह्यात दस्यूंना अनास असे म्हटले आहे.  अनास = तोंड, भाषा नसलेले = म्लेंच्छ, असे सायणाचार्य म्हणतात.  अनास = नाक नसलेले = नकटे असे मॅक्स मूलर म्हणतात.

हे दस्यू किती तरी अधार्मिक, कुरूप व दुर्गुणी असले तरी त्यांच्याशी लढण्याची हीच तेवढी कारणे नसून ते संपत्तिमान, सुसंस्कृतिवान् आणि सुसंघटित होते आणि त्यांचया संपत्तीचा आर्यांना हेवा वाटत होता, हे दुसरे अधिक बलवत्तर कारण होते. दस्यू हे किल्ले बांधून शहरांत राहत असत.  आर्यापेक्षाही ते अधिक स्थाईक झालेले होते.

इंद्राग्नी नवतिं पुरो दासपत्नीरधूनुतम् ।  साकमेकेन कर्मणा ॥
ॠग्वेदसंहिता, ३.१२.६.

इंद्र व अग्नी ह्या दोघांनी दासांचया आधिपत्याखालील नव्याण्णव पुरे म्हणजे किल्ले एकदम पाडून टाकले.  असा ह्या मंत्राचा अर्थ आहे.

प्र ते वोचाम वीर्या या मन्दसान आरुजः ।  पुरो दासीरभीत्य ॥
ॠग्वेदसंहिता, ४.३२.१०.

मन्दसानः = सोम पिऊन माजलेला (इंद्र)
आरुज = (किल्ल्याचा) फडशा उडविला.

आभिः स्पृधो मिथतीररिषण्यन् अमित्रस्य व्यवथया मन्युमिन्द्र ।
आभिर्विश्वा अभियुजो विषूचीरार्याय विशोऽवतारीर्दासीः ॥
ॠग्वेदसंहिता, ६.२५.२.

ह्या मंत्रात आर्यांभोवती दासांचा वेढा पडला आहे, किंवा आर्यांच्या वस्तीभोवताली दस्यूंच्या वसाहती आहेत, इंद्राने त्यांचा नाश करून आर्यांच्या सेनेचे रक्षण करावे, असा अर्थ आहे.

प्र ये गावो न भूर्णयस्त्वेषा अयासो अक्रमुः ।
हनन्तः कृष्णामपत्वचम् ॥
ॠग्वेदसंहिता, ९.४१.१.

कृष्ण नावाचा एक काळया रंगाचा असूर होता.  तो दहा हजार सेनेसह अंशुमती नदीचे काठापर्यंत चाल करून आला, त्याचा पराभव झाला, त्याच्या अंगाची कातडी सोलून काढली, वगैरे कथा आहे.  मं. १ सू. १३० ॠ. ८ पहा.

अमेरिकेतील हल्लीचा लिंचिंगचा असाच प्रकार आहे.


उत दासं कौलितरं बृहतः पर्वताधि ।  अवाहन्निन्द्र शाम्बरम् ॥
ॠग्वेदसंहिता, ४.३०.१४.

कुलितराचा मुलगा शंबर ह्याला इंग्राने मोठया पर्वताच्या खाली ओढून मारिले.

त्वं तदुक्थमिन्द्र बर्हणा कः प्र यच्छता सहस्त्रा शूर दर्षि ।
अव गिरेर्दासं शम्बरं हन् प्रावो दिवोदासं चित्राभिरूती ॥
ॠग्वेदसंहिता, ६.२६.५

हा शंबरासुर व दिवोदास (आर्य) ह्यांच्यामध्ये बरीच कटकट झालेली दिसते.  ह्या कटकटीला कंटाळून शंबर डोंगरी किल्ल्याचा आश्रय घेऊन राहिला.  हा शंबर वरील कृष्ण व इतर अनेक आर्येतर नायक सुसंपन्न व सुसंघटित नेते होते.  त्यांच्या संस्कृतीचा एक विशेष असा होता की ते अभिचार ऊर्फ जादूक्रिया वगैरे गूढविद्येत प्रवीण होते.  सुमारे २३०० वर्षांपूर्वी लिहिल्या गेलेल्या कौटिलीय अर्थशास्त्र नामक ग्रंथाच्या प्रलंभने भैषज्यमन्त्रयोगः ।  ह्या १७८ व्या प्रकरणात ह्या आर्येतर राजांचा पुनः खालील उल्लेख आढळतो :

बलिं वैरोचनं वन्दे शतमायं च शम्बरम् ।
भण्डीरपाकं नरकं निकुम्भं कुम्भमेव च ॥
देवलं नारदं वन्दे वन्दे सावर्णिगालवम् ।
एतेषामनुयोगेन कृतं ते स्वापनं महत् ॥
यथा स्वपन्त्यजगराः स्वपन्त्यपि चमूखलाः ।
तथा स्वपन्तु पुरुषा ये च ग्रामे कुतूहलाः ॥
कौटिलीय अर्थशास्त्र, (श्यामशास्त्री यांची आवृत्ती) पान ४१९

वरील मंत्राचा प्रयोग केला असता रक्षक व इतर माणसांना झोप लागते अशी समजूत होती.  हा प्रयोग करण्यापूर्वी एका श्वपाकी (मांगीण) कडून हातापायांची नखे विकत घेऊन ती कृष्ण चतुर्दशीला स्मशानात पुरावीत. ती पुढच्या चतुर्दशीला उकरून, कुटून त्यांच्या गोळया तयार कराव्यात.  त्यामुळे सर्व निद्रिस्त होतात असे ह्याच प्रकरणात सांगितले आहे.  आंध्र देशात जादूटोणा करणारी एक विशिष्ट अस्पृश्य जात आहे.  त्या जातीच्या बायकांची मदत वरिष्ठ वर्गही अशा कामी घेतात असे मी त्या प्रांतात फिरत असताना ऐकिले आहे.  ह्याच प्रकरणात पुनः खालील श्लोक आढळतात :

बलिं वैरोचनं वन्दे शतमायं च शम्बरम्
निकुम्भं नरकं कुम्भं तन्तुकच्छं महासुरम् ॥
अर्मालवं प्रमीलं च मंडोलुकं घटोद्वलम् ।
कृष्णकंसोपचारं च पौलोमं च यशस्विनीम् ॥
अभिमन्त्रय्य गृह्णमि सिध्दार्थ शवसारिकाम् ॥
कोटिलीय अर्थशास्त्र (श्यामशास्त्री यांची आवृत्ती), पान ४२१

चण्डीलीकुम्वीतुम्भकटुकसाराघः सनीरीभगोसि स्वाहा ।
सदर, पान ४२३

हा मंत्र म्हटला असता कसलेही बळकट दार उघडते आणि सर्वांना झोप लागते.  वरील मंत्रातील पौलोमी ही चंडाली मोठी यशस्विनी होती.  अशा प्रकारे अस्पृश्यांतील प्रवीण स्त्री-पुरुषांचा गतयुगातील राजकारणातही उपयोग होत असे, हे ह्या पुस्तकातील उल्लेखावरून दिसते.  

Read more: राजकारण

महर्षी विठ्ठल रामजी शिंदे यांचा जीवनपट

२३ एप्रिल १८७३  -   जन्म; जमखंडी या संस्थानच्या गावी (हल्ली कर्नाटक राज्यात).
१८९१  -  मॅट्रिक्युलेशन ही परीक्षा उत्तीर्ण.
१८९२  -  जमखंडी येथील हायस्कूलमध्ये शिक्षक.
१८९३-१९९८  -   पुणे येथील फर्ग्युसन कॉलेजमध्ये शिक्षण.
१८९५  -   पुणे येथील राष्ट्रीय सभेच्या अधिवेशनात स्वयंसेवक. 
- अमेरिकेतील युनिटेरियन धर्मप्रचारक रेव्ह. जे. टी. संडरलँड यांचे भाषण ऐकून
एकेश्वरी धर्मपंथाबद्दल प्रथम माहिती मिळाली.
१८९८  -  प्रार्थनासमाजात प्रवेश व दीक्षा.  
- मुंबई विश्वविद्यालयाची बी.ए. परीक्षा उत्तीर्ण.
१९९९-१९००  -  मुंबई येथे एलएल.बी.च्या दुसऱ्या वर्षाचा अभ्यास.
१९००  - ब्रिटिश ऍंड फॉरेन असोसिएशनच्या वतीने इंग्लंडातील ऑक्सफर्ड येथील
मँचेस्टर कॉलेजमध्ये धर्मशिक्षणासाठी निवड.
१९०१-१९०३  -  ऑक्सफर्ड येथील मँचेस्टर कॉलेजात तुलनात्मक धर्म, पाली भाषा, बुध्द
धर्म, ख्रिस्ती धर्मसंघाचा इतिहास, 
समाजशास्त्र व तत्त्वज्ञान या विषयांचा अभ्यास.
-  इंग्लंडमधील वेगवेगळया शहरांतील लोकोपयोगी कार्य करणाऱ्या विविध  मिशननी चालविलेल्या संस्थांचे निरीक्षण.
-  इंग्लंड, स्कॉटलंड, फ्रान्स, हॉलंड, जर्मनी, स्वित्झर्लंड व इटली या देशांमध्ये प्रवास.
-  तेथील समाजस्थितीचे विशेषतः गरीब लोकांचे अवलोकन. 
प्रेक्षणीय स्थळे, इमारती, चित्रे व शिल्पाकृती पाहिल्या.

१९०३  -   १ ते ४ सप्टेंबर रोजी ऍम्स्टरडॅम येथे भरलेल्या आंतरराष्ट्रीय उदार
धर्मपरिषदेस ब्राह्मसमाजाचे 
 भारतातील प्रतिनिधी म्हणून उपस्थित. 'हिंदुस्थानांतील
उदारधर्म' या निबंधाचे वाचन.
ऑक्टोबर १९०३  - मुंबई येथे आगमन.  

-  श्रीमंत सयाजीराव गायकवाड यांच्या सूचनेवरून बडोदे संस्थानातील अस्पृश्यवर्गासाठी
चालविलेल्या 
शाळांची तपासणी करून महाराजांना अभिप्राय सांगितला.  
-  मुंबई प्रार्थनासमाजाचे प्रचारक म्हणून धर्मप्रचारकाया्रला प्रारंभ. 
पोसटल मिशन, उदार धर्मग्रंथ वाचनवर्ग, 
तरुण ब्राह्मसंघ या कार्याना
नव्याने सुरुवात.

१९०३-०६  -  ब्राह्मधर्म प्रचारार्थ हिंदुस्थानभर दौरा.  अस्पृश्यवर्गाच्या स्थितीचे
अवलोकन. अहमदनगरजवळील 
भिंगार या गावी अस्पृश्यांच्या सभेत भाषण करीत असताना अस्पृश्योध्दाराच्या कामासाठी स्वतःला वाहून घेण्याची प्रेरणा.
१८ ऑक्टोबर  १९०६  -    भारतीय निराश्रित साह्यकारी मंडळी (डिप्रेस्ड क्लासेस मिशन
सोसायटी ऑफ इंडिया) 
या अखिल भारतीय पातळीवर अस्पृश्योध्दारासाठी कार्य करणाऱ्या संस्थेची स्थापना. क्ष सर नारायण चंदावरकर; स्वतः जनरल सेक्रेटरी.
१९०४-१९१३  -   अखिल भारतीय एकेश्वरी धर्मपरिषदेचे चिटणीस म्हणून कार्य संघटित केले.
१९०८  -   श्रीमंत सयाजीराव गायकवाड यांच्या अध्यक्षतेखाली बडोदे येथे
लक्ष्मीविलास पॅलेसमध्ये  
अस्पृश्यवर्गाच्या स्थितीबद्दल अभ्यासपूर्ण  व्याख्यान.  'बहिष्कृत भारत' या नावाने पुस्तिकेच्या रूपाने, ध्ये प्रसिध्द.
१९१०  -   मुंबई प्रार्थनासमाजाच्या धुरिणांशी मतभेद झाल्याने प्रार्थनासमाजाचा संबंध सोडला. 
१९१२  -   धर्मकार्याचा एक भाग म्हणून 'दि थीइस्टिक डिरेक्टरी' (The
Theistic Directory and A Review 
Civilzed World) या पुस्तकाचे संपादन व लेखन.
-   धर्मप्रचारार्थ लिहिलेले लेख, व्याख्याने इत्यादिकांचे पुस्तक विठ्ठल रामजी शिंदे यांचे लेख, व्याख्याने
    आणि उपदेश या नावाने बी. बी. केसकर यांनी संपादित केले.
-  भारतीय निराश्रित साह्यकारी मंडळीचे मुंबई येथील ठाणे पुण्यास हलविले.
-  मिशनची महाराष्ट्र परिषद पुणे येथे यशस्वीपणे भरविली.  सुमारे ४०० स्पृश्य-अस्पृश्य
   जातींचे पुढारी व प्रतिनिधी यांचे सहभोजन.
१९१३-१४  -  गुन्हेगार समजल्या जाणाऱ्या मांग लोकांसाठी हल्लीच्या सांगली जिल्ह्यातील कुपवाड येथे
मांगांचे शेतकी खेडे वसविण्याचा प्रयत्न असफल.
१९०६-१९१८  -  भारतीय निराश्रित साह्यकारी मंडळीच्या कार्याचा पश्चिम व दक्षिण हिंदुस्थानात विस्तार.
१९१६  -  लखनौ करारास - हिंदू-मुस्लीम ऐक्यास  - जाहीर पाठिंबा.
- अस्पृश्यांची स्थिती सुधारण्याबद्दल हिंदुस्थान सरकारास सूचना.
१९१८  -  श्रीमंत सयाजीराव गायकवाड यांच्या अध्यक्षतेखाली मुंबई येथे पहिली अखिल
भारतीय अस्पृश्यतानिवारण परिषद भरविली.
-  अस्पृश्यतानिवारणाचा ठराव मंजूर.  आपण व्यक्तिगत जीवनात अस्पृश्यता पाळणार नाही अशा प्रतिज्ञापत्रावर विविध प्रांतांतील तीनशे पुढाऱ्यांच्या अनुमतीदर्शक सह्या मिळाल्या.
१९१९  -   साऊथबरो कमिटीपुढे साक्ष.  जातवार प्रतिनिधित्वासाठी अस्पृश्यवर्गाचा वार
करून त्यांना नऊ टक्के जागा देण्यात याव्यात व त्यांच्याबाबतीत मतदानपात्रतेच्या अटी
शिथिल करण्यात याव्यात अशी मागणी.
-  पुणे नगरपालिकेने मुलांप्रमाणे मुलींनाही सक्तीच्या प्राथमिक शिक्षणाची सोय उपलब्ध करून द्यावी यासाठी चळवळ संघटित केली.
१९२०  -  महात्मा गांधींच्या अध्यक्षतेखाली नागपूर येथे अस्पृश्यतानिवारण परिषद.
-  मुंबई कायदे कौन्सिलच्या निवडणुकीस मराठयांसाठी राखवी असलेल्या जागेवरून उभे
राहण्यास नकार.  बहुजनपक्ष या नावाचा जाहीरनामा काढून साधारण जागेवरून
निवडणूक लढविली, तीमध्ये पराभूत.
१९२२  -  मिशनच्या पुणे येथील अहल्याश्रम या इमारतीचे बांधकाम पूर्ण.
१९२३  -  मिशन ताब्यात घेण्याची अस्पृश्यवर्गातील असंतुष्ट पुढाऱ्यांची उत्सुकता
ध्यानात घेऊन मिशनची नवीन घटना तयार करून मिशन अस्पृश्यवर्गाच्या
हाती सुपूर्द केले व मिशनच्या कामातून बाहेर पडले.
१९२४-२५  -  मंगळूर येथे ब्राह्मसमाजाचे आचार्य म्हणून काम.
१९२४  -  त्रावणकोर संस्थानातील व्हायकोम येथे साधू शिवप्रसाद या पूर्वाश्रमीच्या
अस्पृश्यासमवेत मंदिरप्रवेशासाठी सत्याग्रह.
१९२५  -  सातारा येथील प्रांतिक सामाजिक परिषदेचे अध्यक्ष.
१९२६  -   कुटुंब हे केंद्र समजून उन्नत धर्माचा प्रसार करण्याच्या हेतूने कौटुंबिक
उपासना मंडळाची पुणे येथे स्थापना.
१९२७  -  बौध्द धर्माचे अवलोकन करण्याच्या हेतूने ब्रह्मदेशचा प्रवास.  तेथील
अस्पृश्यवर्गाची पाहणी.  'ब्रह्मदेशातील बहिष्कृत वर्ग' हा संशोधनपर लेख
भारत इतिहास संशोधक मंडळासमोर वाचला.  तसेच 'नवाकाळ' व 'बहिष्कृत
भारत' यांमध्ये प्रसिध्द.
१९२८-१९३२  -  पुणे, बोरगाव, चांदवड, तेरदळ येथील शेतकरी परिषदांमध्ये व भोर
येथील संस्थानी प्रजापरिषदेत अध्यक्ष म्हणून सहभाग.  शेतकऱ्यांना व संस्थानी प्रजेला
मौलिक स्वरूपाचे मार्गदर्शन.
१९३०  -         कायदेभंगाच्या चळवळीमध्ये सहभाग व झंझावती प्रचार.  सहा महिन्यांची
सक्तमजुरीची शिक्षा येरवडयाच्या तुरुंगात भोगली.
१९३२  -        अस्पृश्यवर्गाच्या स्वतंत्र मतदारसंघाच्या मागणीस विरोध.
१९३३  -        भारतीय अस्पृश्यतेचा प्रश्न हा या विषयावरील पहिला ठरणारा संशोधनपर प्रबंध प्रसिध्द.
-  श्रीमंत सयाजीराव महाराज गायकवाड पारितोषिक प्राप्त व महाराजांच्या हस्ते जाहीर गौरव.
-  शिंदे यांच्या प्रेरणेने वाई येथे प्रार्थना संघाची स्थापना.
१९३४  -        मुंबई येथे ४१ संस्थांच्या वतीने जाहीर गौरव व मानपत्रसमर्पण.
१९३५  -        बडोदे येथील मराठी साहित्य संमेलनात तत्त्वज्ञान व समाजशास्त्र या
 शाखा संमेलनांचे अध्यक्ष.
१९३७  -       रयत शिक्षण संस्थेच्या आजीव सेवकांच्या शपथविधिीस कर्मवीर भाऊराव
पाटील यांच्या विनंतीवरून आजारी स्थितीत हजर व शुभाशीर्वाद.
२ जानेवारी  १९४४ -  पुणे येथील राहत्या घरी देहावसान.

 

महर्षी विठ्ठल रामजी शिंदे

१०. साउथबरो कमिशनपुढील साक्षी
महर्षी विठ्ठल रामजी शिंदे

From the report of the Reforms Committee (Franchise)
Vol. II, Printed In 1919

The Committee was constituted as under :—
The Rt. Hon. Lord Southborough, G.C.B., G.C.V.O., G.C.M.C. (Chairman)
Sir Frank G. Sly. K.C.S.I., I.C.S.
Sahibzada Aftab Ahmed Khan
The Hon’ble Babu Surendranath Banerjee.
The Hon’ble Mr. M. N. Hogg.
W. M. Hailey, Esq., C.S.I., C.I.E., I.C.S.
The Hon’ble Mr. Srinivasa Sastri
(Not present on 25-1-1919 and 27-1-1919).

And the following added members :
L. C. Crump, Esq., I.C.S.
K. Natarajan, Esq.
P. C. Tallents, Esq., I.C.S. (Secretary)

(1) V. R. Shinde, Esq.
(Written Statement)

6753. ...As I was among those who organised the All-India Maratha Conference held in Belgaum on the 10th and 11th of November 1917 and especially interested in the 5th resolution regarding the widening of franchise, I beg to quote here that resolution as follows, Resolution 5th :—

“Considering the fact that the major portion of the Maratha is chiefly dependent for its maintenance upon Agriculture, Military Service, Factory labour and its constant backward economic condition, this Conference is of opinion that in order to represent them in the Imperial and Provincial Legislative Councils, Local Boards and Municipalities, it is necessary that the franchise should be extended on the following lines :—

(a) The limit of the franchise in the case of Agriculturists should not exceed the amount of Rs. 10 of their annual land assessment.

(b) In the case of Factory, Mill, Dock and other labourers the limit of the franchise should not exceed the amount of Rs. 10 of their monthly earnings.

(c) In the case of the Sepoys in the Army and other public servants the limit of the franchise should not exceed the amount of Rs. 10/- of their monthly salary.

6754. ...Even though it may be found for practical reasons not advisable to widen the franchise to such an extent in general, I still think that the right should be so extended to the depressed classes as a special concession in view of their social disabilities and poverty as to lower the minimum limit of their property qualification to a fixed income of not lower than Rs. 144/- per annum and their educational qualification to having passed the 4th Marathi standard in any primary school recognised by Government. A person belonging to any of the classes described as “Depressed” in the Indian Census Reports for 1901 and being qualified in either of the above ways should be entitled to vote. As to others, I held that right to vote should be granted to all who either can show a fixed annual income of Rs. 300 from any source or have read up to at least any Vernacular School Final examination.

6755. ...For the following figures which I have worked up from the Census Report of 1901, with a view to compare the total strength of the depressed classes to that of Hindus in India will show what vast numbers will be benefited by this concession.
6756. ...Extracted from the Indian Census Report of 1901 :-
Table 1 (For pdf Click Here)

6757. ...The Depressed Classes Mission Society of India, of which I am the General Secretary from the beginning, has been trying to remove the bar of untouchability from these classes, for the last twelve years. A special effort is being made through an Anti-Untouchability Movement since the last year. Though from my personal experiences during my recent tour in Southern India I see a good hope of this bar being shaken to some preceptible extent in the near future, if not removed entirely, I still feel sure that nothing will facilitate that and more effectively than by admitting to councils of Government as well as the Local Bodies at least a few members belonging to these depressed communities and elected by them directly through their own separate electorates. And hence I feel personally the necessity of extending the franchise to them as stated above.
2 Reserved Seats

6758. ...For the Bombay Presidency supposing that there will be all 150 seats in the Legislative Council, I think there should be reserved at least five seats to be filled by members of the depressed classes, one for each of the divisions viz. Karnatak, Maharashtra, Gujarat and Sindh and the fifth for the City of Bombay. Members should be elected to those seats from candidates themselves belonging to any of the so- called depressed classes, and openly contesting for these seats, by separate electorates specially constituted for these four linguistic divisions and the City of Bombay. The constitution of such separate electorates is to my mind not impossible at all but highly beneficial to these communities, by way of political training and as a step towards social uplift.

Mr. V. R. Shinde called and examined

6759. ...(Sir Frank Sly) He was a missionary of the Brahmo Samaj and General Secretary of the Depressed Classes Mission. He appeared before the Committee to press the claims of the depressed classes especially. His written statement represented his own views and substantially the views of the Mission.

6760. ...He was a Maratha before he became a Brahmo missionary. The Marathas were suffering from the same disadvantages as the depressed classes, and were concerned with them educationally.

6761. ...The backward and depressed classes could not be joined together in the same constituencies.

6762. ...He insisted upon the necessity for a low franchise for the depressed classes. So far as factory and mill labour was concerned, every person earning Rs. 12/- a month should have a vote. Employees could be compelled under penalty to give certificates of the amount earned, and arrangements could be made to ascertain the income of Persons who were not employees. These difficulties did not justify the withholding of the franchise from these classes. With experience they would learn to exercise the vote with a due sense of responsibility.

6763 ...The untouchables should be given special consideration, because there was no other way in which to remove their untouchability. The fact that the other members of the Council would have to co-operate with an untouchable would tend to a very great extent to remove their disability.

6764. ...There would be no difficulty in finding fit and proper men among the depressed classes to represent their interests in the Council. There was one B. A., one L. M. and S. and b or 7 matriculates among them. The ability to understand conversational English should be a sufficient qualification for becoming a member of Council.

6765. ...He proposed 5 seats for the depressed classes in the Legislative Council; subsequently he had come to the opinion that the minimum should not be less than 9 with 7 constituencies. The total population of the depressed classes was 23,54,843.

6766. ...The depressed classes were the classes described as “untouchables”. It was the definition used in the Census Report, and Government had adopted it. This did not include criminals and hill tribes. An untouchable was one whom an ordinary Hindu would not touch on ceremonial occasions. Any class that was untouchable to one Hindu caste was untouchable to all.

6767. ...(Mr. Aftab) In case the depressed classes could not make up the full number of 9 among themselves, they should have the right to elect from higher castes provided the candidate was a Hindu. This was necessary as otherwise the seats might remain vacant.

6768. ...The interests of the depressed classes were so many that one member could not adequately represent them.

6769. ...Although there was no legal bar, they could not be members of municipalities, district local boards, taluka local boards, etc. Even Government found it impossible to remove the bar. In the public services Government officials had confessed that for the purpose of maintaining peace they could not admit the depressed classes even to the subordinate services. That was a very serious disability. If greater representation was given to them in the Council they would be able, by facts and figures, to put forward their grievances.

6770. ...Many successful prosecutions of members of the depressed classes had been instituted for touching a water pipe, or entering a temple.

6771. ...(Mr. Banerjea) Provisionally he admitted that there was certain amount of efficiency required for the public services apart from any considerations of caste, creed or colour. But this consideration ought not to be insisted upon too much in the case of the depressed classes.

6772. ...Government ought to relax the standard of educational qualification in the case of these people because they were partly responsible for not giving them education. By giving them representation in the Council their grievances would be most effectively remedied, as they could then bring them to the notice of the council and of Government and insist upon greater facilities for education being given to them.

6773. ...By removal of social restrictions he meant the removal of such restrictions as the depressed classes not being allowed to use the public roads or the public wells. The Legislative Council, by an enactment, could and should remove such social disabilities. The Government and the legislature were concerned with the legal aspect of the case and not with the religious or social aspects; and the Government could allow the depressed classes to avail themselves of these rights without interfering with any religious or social observances.

6774. ...The distinction between the depressed classes and the backward classes was that the depressed classes were untouchable, and the backward classes were not. He wanted special electorates for the untouchables, i.e. persons who were untouchable in the eyes of an orthodox Hindu. As far as the Bombay Presidency was concerned he thought there was a practical uniformity of opinion among the orthodox Hindus on the subject. If special electorates were not given, he would most reluctantly accept nomination.

6775. ...At present the depressed classes had no representative in the Legislative Council, and they had very few elected representatives in local bodies.

(Mr. Hailey) The depressed classes had associations of their own but they were mostly not political bodies, though political associations were, however, springing up; if separate electorates were not granted, their existing associations might be treated as electorates.

6776. ...(Mr. Crump) The different castes among the depressed classes in Bombay were the Mahars, Chamars, Bhangis, Bearers, Dhors, Khalpas, Sind Shindwas, Turis and Kolghas. The Ramosees were not untouchable, as far as he knew.

6777. ...(Mr. Natarajan) The Depressed Classes Mission, of which he was the Secretary, was started on 18th October 1896. At present it had about 75 members. They had branches all over the country. Many Brahmans worked among the depressed classes and some were superintendents of branches.

6778. ...There was no chance of a member of the depressed classes being elected by a general electorate.

6779. ...If it were impossible to give 9 seats to the depressed classes, he would accept 7.

  1. मनुस्मृतिकालीन अस्पृश्यता
  2. भारतीय निराश्रित साह्यकारी व साह्यकारक मंडळी
  3. भारतीय निराश्रित साहाय्यकारी मंडळीची संस्थापना
  4. भारतीय निराश्रित साहाय्यकारी मंडळींची महाराष्ट्र परिषद सन १९९२
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